Rethinking Western Engagement in Africa’s Information Environment

This article was originally published to Deft9.com

Tanna Krewson, Ph.D. (ABD), January 2025

Africa’s information environment is a multifaceted web shaped by evolving cultural, historical, and technological dynamics. As the most ethnically diverse continent, Africa’s communication landscape spans traditional and digital platforms, presenting unique opportunities and challenges for meaningful engagement. However, Western approaches often falter, hampered by strategies that echo neocolonial practices and the misguided perception of Africa as a singular, homogenous entity.

Such oversights have strained relations and created skepticism among many Africans toward Western intentions, leaving room for adversarial actors to expand their presence and influence on the continent. Unfortunately, current US and EU approaches often hinder effective engagement with Africa’s information environment and inadvertently strengthen the position of actors seeking to undermine Western influence. Addressing this issue is not merely about changing how we engage with and speak about Africa or its people; it requires a fundamental shift in understanding the continent, its history, and ourselves.

While this article refers to "Africa" and the "African information environment,” I recognize that it opens me to the folly I raised about the mistake of referring to Africa as a monolithic entity. Similarly, I reference "Western nations" or "Western states" to describe countries primarily influenced by Western European culture, including the United States, Canada, Australia, and much of Europe. This approach is not intended to oversimplify or diminish the complexities inherent in either African or Western contexts. Instead, it aims to provide clarity and brevity while addressing the misguided assumption that Africa’s information environment mirrors the West's.

Africa’s Information Environment

Diversity, Complexity, and the Legacy of Colonialism

Africa’s ethnic and linguistic diversity is unparalleled, with some countries possessing hundreds of distinct groups and languages. Nigeria alone has over 250 ethnic groups and more than 500 languages, while Ethiopia is home to over 80 ethnic groups. The ten countries in the world with the highest percentage of ethnic fractionalization—defined by Erkan Gören (2013) as the likelihood that two randomly selected individuals do not belong to the same culturally designated group—are in Africa.[1]

This diversity requires tailored information-sharing responsive to the impact of Africa’s colonial-era borders, drawn with little regard for the continent’s ethnic and cultural boundaries. The impact of these mistakes is widely acknowledged. However, the continued geopolitical focus on nation-states over cultural groupings perpetuates the legacy of division, creating vulnerabilities ripe for exploitation by malign or opportunistic actors.[2] Overlooking this history or assuming Africa’s information environment operates like the West is a critical error.

Contrary to Western reliance on digital communication, traditional channels like radio, community gatherings, and word-of-mouth remain vital across Africa, particularly in rural areas with limited digital access.[3] While urban areas increasingly adopt platforms like WhatsApp and TikTok, rural communities often rely on radio and interpersonal networks due to infrastructure gaps and socioeconomic barriers.[4] Gender disparities further shape this landscape, with men typically having greater access to digital tools and politically oriented media, while women often depend on community networks and platforms focused on health, education, and family issues.[5] However, Western approaches frequently overlook the influence of non-digital, person-to-person information systems—an oversight rooted in unfamiliarity and a degree of ethnocentrism—challenging our ability to appreciate the power of Africa’s informal communication networks.

African Worldviews and Knowledge Systems

African worldviews are fundamentally shaped by the philosophy of “Ubuntu,” often encapsulated in the phrase, “I am because we are.”[6] This communal perspective contrasts sharply with Western individualism, epitomized by the notion that “we are because I am.” Knowledge is co-created and rooted in oral traditions, storytelling, and collective memory in many African societies. This epistemological framework prioritizes relationships, shared responsibilities, and community well-being over individual achievement.[7]

In their article, “When Sustainable Development Competes with African Ubuntu: A Case Study,” Chipango and To (2024) underscore the importance of recognizing these communal values when engaging with African societies.[8] The authors highlight how external actors frequently disseminate individualistic messaging that does not resonate with African audiences, limiting its effectiveness. Efforts should focus on co-creating narratives and solutions with local communities, ensuring engagement strategies align with African ways of knowing and understanding. Overlooking the importance of knowledge co-creation is a significant yet frequent misstep.

Perceptions of American Intervention

African Skepticism Toward the United States

Another common mistake is the limited understanding of how U.S. personnel and Western practitioners are perceived in African contexts. African perspectives on Westerners are often far less favorable than many assume, highlighting a critical gap in awareness.[9] Many Africans view the U.S. as exploitative, self-serving, and hypocritical in its advocacy of democracy and human rights.[10] These perceptions stem from historical and ongoing patterns of Western engagement, often classifying cultural practices as “harmful”[11] and prioritizing geopolitical and business interests over genuine partnerships. Furthermore, Western messaging often emphasizes values like individualism and liberal democracy, which may conflict with African worldviews prioritizing community and collective well-being.[12] This misalignment deepens skepticism and diminishes the effectiveness of Western outreach efforts.

Dambisa Moyo’s Dead Aid sheds light on how poorly structured aid programs exacerbate these perceptions. Moyo argues that foreign aid has, in many cases, fueled corruption and increased state violence by empowering autocratic regimes.[13] These outcomes have eroded trust in Western intentions, with African citizens often associating development efforts with exploitation and cultural criticism rather than empowerment. The failure to address these shortcomings perpetuates narratives that Western involvement in Africa is simply a self-serving front, whereby the things that are truly important to Africans—culture, tradition, collaboration, and community—are either ignored or outright maligned.

In their article exploring African interests and the war in Ukraine, Mackinnon and Mackinnon (2023) highlight that pragmatism rather than ideological alignment shapes African responses to Western engagement. In other words, food security, economic stability, and local governance frequently precede abstract ideals such as democracy or human rights.[14] These dynamics underpin the limitations of traditional Western diplomacy, which often underestimates the practical concerns driving African decision-making.

This hypocrisy, frequently woven into Western narratives and approaches, is a critical blind spot. While Western states advocate for human rights abroad, they often fail to address systemic issues within their own nations. This double standard is not lost on African audiences and is a narrative effectively weaponized by the Russian State. For example, the Kremlin often points to Western shortcomings in racial inequality or historical injustices to undermine the credibility of US messaging throughout the developing world, reinforcing the perception that the West is pursuing a neocolonial agenda.[15] Understanding this dynamic is crucial for the US and its allies.

Adversarial Strategic Approaches in Africa

Understanding how the West should approach the African information environment requires examining how other geopolitical powers, like Russia and China, engage with the continent. Their distinct strategies reveal the complexities of influence in Africa and the gaps and missteps in Western approaches. While this section focuses on Russia and China, it is important to note that they are not the only actors shaping Africa’s information and geopolitical landscape. However, by analyzing their methods, we gain critical insights into how the West can recalibrate its strategies.

The Kremlin’s Strategic Approach

Russia’s engagement in Africa reflects a strategic calculus different from its tactics in other global regions. In somewhat reductionist terms, Kremlin-led campaigns in Europe and North America focus on fabricating disinformation. However, in Africa, the Kremlin favors exploiting pre-existing grievances and societal fractures by aligning itself with local concerns about sovereignty, economic exploitation, and Western hypocrisy.[16] This strategy is not new. Since the Soviet Era, Russia has maintained efforts to position itself as a counterweight to the West; however, its methods have shifted from promoting socialist ideology under the Soviets to pursuing economic gains and strategic alliances under Putin.[17]

Exploiting Historical Grievances, Media Manipulation, and Security Gaps

Russia’s strong ties to African liberation movements during the Cold War continue to resonate, particularly in nations where Russia stood against Western colonialism and apartheid. In South Africa, many continue to view Russia as a positive counterbalance to Western dominance, even while expressing distrust toward Vladimir Putin’s authoritarian tendencies.[18] Similarly, Russia capitalizes on existing anti-colonial sentiments in West Africa by emphasizing its non-interventionist policies compared to the US and EU’s historical interference.

The Kremlin’s strategic use of disinformation further amplifies this impact. According to the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, Russia has sponsored over 80 documented influence campaigns in more than 22 African countries, representing nearly 40% of all such campaigns on the continent.[19] Using state-backed media outlets like Sputnik Afrique and RT Afrique to produce content tailored to African audiences, these campaigns exploit the historical wariness of Western interference, casting Russia as a more authentic and reliable partner.

The importance of this localized approach cannot be overstated. From an international development paradigm, the value of grassroots and civil society engagements is widely understood; bringing local voices to the fore reduces conflict and increases societal cohesion and good governance. Unfortunately, in our increasingly connected and mercurial world, the breakdown of society can also be achieved through identical, localized mechanisms. In essence, malign actors no longer need to affect governments directly using kinetic or economic force—they can create a similar breakdown in systems, governance, and trust through the same grassroots targeting of individuals and communities.

Leveraging Human Resources and Proxy Networks

Recent analyses highlight how the Kremlin establishes social movements across Africa using technological and human resources to support its geopolitical objectives.[20] The Associated Press recently revealed how African women were recruited under false pretenses to work in Russia’s Alabuga Special Economic Zone, assembling drones used in the Ukraine war.[21] Promoted as work-study programs, these initiatives mislead participants while contributing to Russia’s growing drone production and fostering its image as a caring partner. Such efforts bolster Russia's military capabilities and serve as tools for propaganda in African information spaces.

Beyond technological production, EUvsDisinfo has argued that the Russian State also finances local proxies, including newspapers and radio stations like Ndjoni Sango in the Central African Republic and Radio MaliBa FM in Mali, to disseminate pro-Kremlin content. These media outlets amplify narratives aligning with Russia's strategic messaging, often championed by influential pan-Africanist figures on social media.[22]

China’s Strategic Approach

Economic Pragmatism and Respect for Local Traditions

China’s engagement in Africa is rooted in a pragmatic, economically driven strategy that prioritizes infrastructure development, trade, and investment to secure long-term influence while avoiding the cultural missteps often associated with Western methods.[23] Through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has financed critical infrastructure projects such as railways, ports, and telecommunications networks. These investments address practical needs that resonate with African communities. For example, a mother with three children unable to get crops to market due to washed-out roads will welcome anyone—Chinese or otherwise—who paves the way to economic stability for her family. For many, such developments symbolize safety, security, and prosperity. When framed from a Hierarchy of Needs perspective,[24] prioritizing intangible ideologies over everyday well-being is a luxury taken for granted by Western audiences.

Further, unlike Western aid, which is often accompanied by veiled cultural criticism or paternalistic narratives,[25] China frames its partnerships as mutually beneficial, avoiding ideological entanglements and respecting local traditions. Institutions like Confucius Institutes promote Chinese language and culture without linking their engagement to cultural judgment,[26] contrasting sharply with Western narratives that risk portraying African traditions as obstacles to modernization and democratization. By deliberately avoiding this pitfall, China has positioned itself as a partner rather than a critic, something most of us should understand. Regardless of nationality, race, or other signifiers, partnership innately feels better than criticism.

Strategic Messaging and Media Influence

State media outlets such as CGTN Africa and Xinhua News are additional tools for China’s influence in Africa. They provide localized content highlighting China’s developmental successes and partnerships and subtly embed narratives reinforcing its role as a reliable and non-interfering ally.[27] However, it is important to understand that this media strategy often contrasts with the more propagandistic tone of Russian state outlets, further enhancing China’s reputation as a practical and cooperative partner.

China’s approach is further bolstered by a distinctive form of public diplomacy centered on non-intervention in African internal affairs and official visits between Chinese and African leaders.[28] This strategy projects an image of fairness and respect, which resonates with African audiences. Whether the reality of China’s engagement is fair, respectful, or even beneficial is somewhat irrelevant in the information space. What matters more is the perception created, and China’s narrative on the African continent is often one of agency and respect.

Implications for Defense and Security Engagement

These ongoing dynamics hold heightened significance due to the West's limited ability to engage effectively with Africa's information environment. Western efforts to address regional instability often rely on antiquated frameworks that fail to account for local and customary power structures.[29] This is a critical oversight. For example, initiatives focusing solely on state institutions frequently fall short in contexts where communities, rather than governments, serve as primary providers of security and governance. In many African nations, traditional systems are pivotal in protecting individuals, especially in areas where state governance is weak or overly centralized. As a result, practical approaches must account for these subtleties and respect the legitimacy held by “informal” leaders within many African communities.[30] Overlooking these traditional systems risks undermining security efforts and alienating critical populations, further creating opportunities for malign actors to expand their influence.

Moreover, our continued dependence on Western-centric research and metrics to determine success often misrepresents on-the-ground realities and risks creating exploitative information systems that profit from African knowledge. These tools also fail to capture the voices of rural and marginalized populations, whose perspectives are critical for understanding the evolving threat landscape.

Strategic Shifts: Adapting to Africa’s Information Environment

Effectively addressing the challenges above requires a significant shift in how Western actors engage with the African continent writ large. Rigid timelines, narrow objectives, and a preference for international—rather than local—knowledge often underpin Western frameworks. However, successful engagement in this world of fluctuating influence and allegiance demands adaptability and a commitment to long-term strategies prioritizing African agency, partnership, and expertise. More importantly, it requires a level of humility and honesty that many Western nations—and Westerners as individuals—continue to struggle with.

As a starting point, the following broad recommendations should be considered:

1. Rebuild Western Credibility

• Demonstrate integrity and rebuild trust through transparent dialogue about past mistakes.

• Shift focus to partnerships emphasizing mutual benefits, avoiding one-sided interventions.

2. Empower and Partner with African Leadership

• Provide resources and training for African-led governance and conflict-resolution strategies.

• Support African Union-led initiatives and ensure messaging aligns with African priorities.

• Collaborate with customary leaders, trusted gatekeepers, and community networks.

3. Tailor Messaging and Audience Engagement

• Conduct comprehensive audience analyses, combining digital data with on-the-ground insights.

• Engage with diverse populations, including rural and marginalized communities.

• Craft relatable messages using storytelling that resonates with daily lives and pragmatism.

4. Improve Delivery and Accessibility

• Leverage non-traditional channels like radio, word-of-mouth, and community gatherings.

• Translate messaging into local vernaculars to ensure accessibility and cultural relevance.

• Build resilience through media literacy and training for local journalists and influencers.

5. Co-Create Knowledge and Avoid Simplistic Narratives

• Foster collaboration through the concept of Ubuntu, ensuring community ownership of strategies.

• Acknowledge Africa’s nuanced relationship with Russia and China and avoid binary messaging.

• Develop pre-bunking campaigns and proactive narratives to counter disinformation.

Conclusion

Africa's information environment reflects historical injustices, cultural complexity, and technological disparities—realities the West overlooks at its peril. Assuming the world has moved beyond its colonial past is a costly mistake, enabling adversarial narratives to flourish.

Relying on outdated post-WWII frameworks that label state powers as "good" or "bad" only plays into Kremlin strategies. In an era of borderless information and unorthodox engagement, this rigid approach fails to address the grey zones where influence thrives. Bureaucratic actors bound by outdated paradigms are ill-equipped to navigate this evolving space.

Countering Kremlin narratives and addressing African skepticism toward Western interventions demands more than formulaic engagement. It requires rebuilding trust through long-term partnerships, adaptive strategies, and a genuine understanding of African contexts. Success won’t come from quick fixes or supercilious assumptions that Africa’s information landscape mirrors the West's. This ethnocentric blind spot hampers our ability to develop a nuanced and proactive approach. Moreover, focusing solely on our adversaries' actions is not enough if we want to move beyond a reactive posture. We must also examine our positioning within the global information environment and assess whether our actions create productive narratives or supply our adversaries with geopolitical fodder.

We must also recognize that strength in Africa’s information environment will not stem from power or dominance but collaboration. Moving beyond state-to-state, top-down strategies means fostering partnerships with local networks and amplifying African voices. As Polish-Nigerian journalist Remi Adekoya aptly stated in 2013, “Of course, there are many different and often positive stories to be told from Africa's 54 diverse countries. But the continent currently has no microphone of its own on the global stage, no loudspeaker with which to tell its stories the way it wants them told. It has to wait in line hoping others lend it theirs from time to time. That won't do.” Twelve years later, this quote still rings true: the West must actively seek to amplify African knowledge and voices by prioritizing partnerships that empower local storytellers and ensure narratives are shaped by those living the continent’s realities. Nothing less will do.

[1] Gören, E. (2013). Economic effects of domestic and neighbouring countries’ cultural diversity.

[2] Michalopoulos, S., & Papaioannou, E. (2016). The long-run effects of the scramble for Africa. American Economic Review, 106(7), 1802-1848.

[3] World Bank. (2023, June 27). From connectivity to services: Digital transformation in Africa. Retrieved from https://www.worldbank.org/en/results/2023/06/27/from-connectivity-to-services-digital-transformation-in-africa

[4] Adeleke, R. (2021). Digital divide in Nigeria: The role of regional differentials. African Journal of Science, Technology, Innovation and Development, 13(3), 333-346.

[5] Shiferaw, Y. A. (2024). A spatial analysis of the digital gender gap in South Africa: Are there any fundamental differences?. Technological Forecasting and Social Change, 204, 123443.

[6] Bhuda, M. T., & Marumo, P. (2022). Ubuntu Philosophy and African Indigenous Knowledge Systems: Insights from decolonization and indigenization of research. Gender and Behaviour, 20(1), 19133-19151.

[7] Babalola, J. B. Indigenous Knowledge: A Driver of Innovation and Societal Transformation.

[8] Chipango, E. F., & To, L. S. (2024). When sustainable development competes with African Ubuntu: A case study. Geoforum, 154, 104073.

[9] Adekoya, R. (2013). Why Africans worry about how Africa is portrayed in Western media. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/nov/28/africans-worry-how-africa-portrayed-western-media

[10] Akeredolu, F. (2023, July 27). African perception of the United States in an evolving geopolitical landscape. Wilson Center. Retrieved from https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/african-perception-united-states-evolving-geopolitical-landscape

[11] https://unmil.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/report_on_harmful_traditional_practices.pdf - This report serves as an example of the term “harmful traditional practices.” I make no moral comment about the practices listed in the report. My intent is to highlight the information challenges created by the West’s decision to link development and aid funding to the criticism of external cultures, whether justified or not.

[12] Derome, R. (2024). Disinformation in Africa: Lessons for the West. International Development Research Centre. Retrieved from https://idrc-crdi.ca/en/stories/disinformation-africa-lessons-west

[13] Moyo, D. (2009). Dead aid: Why aid is not working and how there is a better way for Africa. Farrar, Straus, and Giroux.

[14] MacKinnon, A., & MacKinnon, E. (2023). A View of African Interests in the War on Ukraine: The Past and Future of The African Struggle for Non-alignment.

[15] Patel, F., & Koreh, R. (2018). New method, same strategy: Russia has long exploited U.S. racial divisions. Brennan Center for Justice. Retrieved from https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/new-method-same-strategy-russia-has-long-exploited-us-racial-divisions; Foster Bhusari, B., Vasudevan, K., & Nasrin, S. (2022). Hacking Culture Not Code: How American Racism Fuels Russia's Century-Long Memetic Disinformation Campaign. Journal of Communication Inquiry, 46(4), 342-360.

[16] SORKHI, M. M., & KHORSHIDI, N. Politics of Memory, Genealogy and Narrating; Russia's Behavioral and Competitive Pattern with Western Countries in Africa.

[17] Ogunnoiki, A., Ifeanyi, A. N. I., & Iwediba, I. (2024). The Trajectory of Russia-Africa Relations: Highlighting Continuity and Discontinuity. Nnamdi Azikiwe Journal of Political Science, 9(2), 86-105.

[18] Patel, J. (2023). As South Africa looks to Russia, how do citizens see influence of foreign powers?.

[19] Africa Center for Strategic Studies. (2023). Domestic disinformation on the rise in Africa. Retrieved from https://africacenter.org/spotlight/domestic-disinformation-on-the-rise-in-africa/

[20] Akwei, E., & Alsedeg, L. (2024). Grassroot movements entrenching Russia’s position in Africa. African Digital Democracy Observatory. Retrieved from https://disinfo.africa/grassroot-movements-entrenching-russias-position-in-africa-73aa9e60a711

[21] Burke, J., & Tarawally, M. (2024). Africans recruited to work in Russia say they were duped into building drones for use in Ukraine. Associated Press. Retrieved from https://apnews.com/article/russia-ukraine-war-drones-shahed-africans-11602ab837f0ff4635926d884b422185

[22] EUvsDisinfo. (2023). Russian information manipulation efforts in Sub-Saharan Africa. Retrieved from https://euvsdisinfo.eu/russian-information-manipulation-efforts-in-sub-saharan-africa/

[23] Albert, E. (2017). China in Africa. Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved from https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/china-africa

[24] Maslow, A. H. (1943). A theory of human motivation. Psychological Review, 50(4), 370–396. https://doi.org/10.1037/h0054346

[25] Baker, A. (2015). Race, paternalism, and foreign aid: Evidence from US public opinion. American Political Science Review, 109(1), 93-109.

[26] Li, S. (2021). China's Confucius Institute in Africa: a different story?. International Journal of Comparative Education and Development, 23(4), 353-366.

[27] Nantulya, P. (2024, April 16). China’s strategy to shape Africa’s media space. Africa Center for Strategic Studies. Retrieved from https://africacenter.org/spotlight/china-strategy-africa-media-space/

[28] Kalu, K. (2021). ‘Respect’ and ‘agency’ as driving forces for China–Africa relations. Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 17(4), 336-347.

[29] Ani, N. C. (2013). Appraisal of African epistemology in the global system. Alternation, 20(1), 295-320.

[30] Mayaka, B., & Truell, R. (2021). Ubuntu and its potential impact on the international social work profession. International Social Work, 64(5), 649-662.